The media’s tendency to orient its reporting towards single events and reduce broad public issues to concrete occurrences – in what is a journalistic practice known as episodic framing (1) (2) – is always in danger of negating wider implications. This practice is reinforced by a pervasive individualizing perspective of which mainstream media is often guilty.
With the recurrence of the Angela Kerins saga in the media there is a danger of the media once again reducing a systemic issue concerning management salaries, particularly amongst the charity sector, to the individuals of Kerins and the Rehab group. Angela has just begun a Supreme Court appeal over her treatment at the hands of the Public Accounts Committee.
In 2014 attention shifted towards the excessive remuneration package of the then CEO of Rehab, Angela Kerins. However, this is a problem that extends well beyond Kerins and even beyond the remit of the Public Accounts Committee. Let’s not forget that this widespread excessive remuneration of large charity CEOs and board members is indicative of the colonization by business management of an arena wherein the common good, social justice, and moral values should prevail (i.e.,new managerialism). In this managerialist world it seems leadership is a path to entitlement and managerial prowess is defined by excessive remuneration packages and not as it should be: via the successful distribution of assistance to those who need it most.
So while some in the media as usual lose sight of the underlying systemic character of Angela Kerin’s individual remuneration package let us not forget that lurking in the background was the following:
2 – The strategies of boardroom infiltration and political cronyism that played a powerful part in propping up executive elites in this country. Kerins has been found to have had strong connections to the FF and FG parties:
she once stood for the party’s national executive, in the early 1990s…From 2000 onwards, she was appointed to various boards by the Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrat governments … just a few weeks ago, she formed part of a trade mission to the Middle East led by the Taoiseach
Remember also that the CRC had ties to the Rehab group. Kiely, James Nugent, and Hamilton Goulding, who were board members of both the CRC and the Friends and Supporters of the Central Remedial Clinic Limited, the CRC’s charity arm, were also Care Trust directors. 50% of the Care Trust Ltd was owned by Rehab. The Care Trust Ltd provided the bulk of income for Friends and Supporters who in turn granted an “interest-free and not repayable in the short term” €3 million loan to the CRC directors.
3 – The research of pay consultants Hay Group and Towers Watson had been used by Rehab to support the claim that, despite Kerin’s excessive salary within a charitable organization and in a time of austerity, is “significantly below the market midpoint or “median” when compared with organisations of similar scale engaged in similar activities”.
Towers Watson are also the international recruitment agency who advised Rehab before Kerins was granted her pay rise of €6,000 – a salary increase that occurred since 2011 during a time of cutbacks. Towers Watson has been criticised in the US for its role in expanding executive payment packages over there. It was accused of digging “through their trove of privileged pay data to find other companies that can serve as “peer benchmarks” to justify the proposed raise — regardless of whether the other companies are truly similar”.
However, if Rehab’s claim that Kerin’s Salary was below the median is true then surely some discussion really should have taken place by now regarding the growing power and profligacy of a management class and the capacity and influence of management towards self-legitimation and its own remuneration. It is also worth bearing in mind that these excessive salaries occurred at a time when the gap between the rich and poor was reported to have dramatically widened since 2008 – this finding was based on levels of disposable income with cuts to services and increased charges included in the calculations.
4 – Furthermore, the top-ups scandal of the CRC, which preceded the Kerins scandal, in many ways was repeated by government members at the time as they too exceeded the supposed pay caps of their advisors (caps were in place to curb the excessive pay of political advisors that existed during the Celtic Tiger). While not based on donations the government’s top-ups show a systemic disregard for the use of public money.
5 – The service-provisioning aspect of the charity sector remains to this day a depoliticized entity in that, rather than advocating for real social change, it tends to act as a band-aid for the many inadequacies of the state’s regulatory and welfare role. The presence of a business management mindset, along with a pervasion of cosy remunerations – as has been witnessed in the past – throughout this area of civil society, likely contributes to this depolitization encouraging people to see their role as fulfilling a job, providing a service, bowing to Government interests, directions and lip-service.
Real change is negated in such an atmosphere. Consider the servility demanded of NGOs during social partnership times with funding arrangements favouring organisations that withheld from criticising the government – the latter coming under the phrase of “‘non-adversarial partnerships’” as used by the National Economic and Social Council (NESC) (a government advisory group) in 2005 (3). Now compare that to the role played by Kerins as chairwoman of the Equality Authority when cuts were announced plunging the authority’s budget from €6 million to €3.3 million:
Having spoken publicly of the need to retain the resources necessary to do its work effectively, Ms Kerins later appeared to accept the budget cut and was less than generous in her praise of Crowley [its chief executive] when he did the honourable thing and resigned. His departure was followed by those of six board members including Therese Murphy of the National Women’s Council, Frank Goodwin of the Carers’ Association, two representatives from IBEC, and two trade union appointees.
So something seems far from right regarding civil society and the charity sector, along with professional management, political affiliations and executive remuneration. The Kerins scandal should be seen in light of the system it was in – much of which remains intact today. The list provided above points to systemic matters and a systemic problem; the grasp of which risks being lost if the media concentrates the issue around the individual Angela Kerins and her recent court case.
Iyengar S (1994) Is Anyone Responsible?: How Television Frames Political Issues. London: University of Chicago Press.
Boykoff M T (2009) We Speak for the Trees: Media Reporting on the Environment. Annual Review of Environment and Resources 34 (1): 431-457.
Kirby P (2010) Civil society, social movements and the Irish state. Irish Journal of Sociology 18 (2): 1-21.